pdxcivic/campaign finance /district 4

The District 4 money ceiling

A reading companion to Maja Viklands Harris's How District 4 was won. She reconstructed the 2024 race vote by vote. This is the same race and the same four candidates read through their campaign filings, where three of the four leaders have already earned more public matching money than the city will let them collect.

Maja Viklands Harris reopened the 2024 District 4 race in Rose City Reform this week, reconstructing round by round how Eric Zimmerman took the third seat from Eli Arnold. Zimmerman started 118 first-choice votes behind Arnold, the two traded places across 31 rounds and sat 29 votes apart at the tightest point, and when Arnold was finally eliminated 6,459 of his ballots counted for Zimmerman.

Near the end she turns to 2026 and lists what incumbency now gives Olivia Clark, Mitch Green, and Zimmerman: "name recognition, a larger platform, and an established donor base." The first two are hard to measure from outside a campaign. The third one shows up in the filings.

Portland's Small Donor Elections program matches small contributions to participating candidates ten to one, which makes it the largest single source of money for most of this field by a wide margin. So the question the filings can answer is not who raised the most. It is who has unlocked the most public money, and what is stopping the rest.

Arnold, Clark, and Green have each collected $100,000 in matching funds and stopped there, because Portland releases the match in blocks that donors have to unlock.

The city pays a council candidate in three blocks of $100,000. The first 250 donors unlock the first block. Every block after that costs 500 more donors, so $200,000 takes 750 donors and the full $300,000 takes 1,250.

Figure 1
Public matching funds are 59% to 82% of what the six matched candidates raised
Public match Private contributions
Cash contributions received between 1 January 2025 and 12 August 2026, from ORESTAR filings. The match arrives as a contribution from the City of Portland and is separated here from everything else. Four of the ten registered committees are not shown: Jayne Cronlund ($11,377) and John Goldsmith ($600) raised much less and drew no public match, and Timothy Anderson and Joshua Leake have recorded no transactions. Every figure in this chart appears in the ledger below.

Net of the match, this field is nearly level

Strip out the public money and the private fundraising of the four returning players falls inside a $30,000 band: Clark $68,662, Green $61,748, Arnold $58,634, Zimmerman $39,264. Arnold, who holds no office and lost in 2024, is within $10,000 of the best-funded incumbent in the race.

Zimmerman is the weakest of the four on both counts. He won the seat in 2024, and he has since raised the least private money of the four by a clear margin and drawn the least public money by $32,020.

Most of the money in this race comes from the city, and the city releases it by donor count, not by dollars raised.

Figure 2
Three candidates have earned more match than they can collect
Match actually received, to 11 Aug Match earned, as of 21 Jun Tier 1 cap
Received figures are match payments recorded in ORESTAR through 12 August 2026. The earned figures come from Willamette Week's 21 June 2026 tally, which ran three days before the city restored the full $100,000 first tier, so they are seven weeks older than the received column. That gap is why Zimmerman's received total sits above his June earnings. For the other three the direction is the point: they had passed the cap by June and have collected nothing beyond $100,000 since.

The match is tiered on people, not dollars. City Code 2.16.070 caps a council candidate at $100,000 once at least 250 matchable donors have given $5 or more, then adds another $100,000 for each further 500 new donors, to a maximum of $300,000. The city publishes the same rule as running totals: 250 donors for the first $100,000, 750 for $200,000, 1,250 for $300,000. A matchable donor is an individual 18 or older who lives in Portland, so money from outside the city does nothing to lift a candidate's cap.

Those are the statutory numbers, and for most of this cycle they were not the operative ones. The Elections Commission cut match caps by 65 percent in March 2025 because the program was underfunded, dropping the council's first tier to $35,000. Council money lifted it to $50,000 that August. The full $100,000 tier came back only on 24 June 2026, paid for with one-time funds, and the same notice warns that caps will have to be cut by roughly half again for 2028 unless the city appropriates ongoing money.

That history is written into the payment dates. Clark, Green, and Arnold each took $50,000 in January, when $50,000 was the ceiling, then each took a second $50,000 in June and July once the ceiling doubled. Zimmerman's entire $67,980 arrived in one payment on 23 July, an amount he could not have collected at all under the old cap.

Willamette Week reported in June that Clark had 666 donors, 84 short of the 750 that would open her second block, and that Arnold had earned $148,600 against a ceiling that was then $50,000 and is now $100,000.

Crossing a tier does not hand a candidate $100,000. It lifts the ceiling by that much, and what they can then collect is only what they have already earned. For Clark that is $30,330 waiting behind 84 donors. For Arnold it is $48,600, the largest unclaimed balance in the district, waiting behind a donor count the city has not published. Green is owed $10,913 on the same terms.

Clark's 666 is the only donor count the city has published for this field. Arnold and Green both stopped at exactly $100,000, which is what falling short of 750 donors looks like from the outside.

The last District 4 race was decided by 874 votes. Clark is 84 donors short of $30,330 she has already earned.

Figure 3
Green raised $15,306 in July, six times Zimmerman's $2,387
Show the monthly figures as a table
Private cash contributions only, with the public match excluded. Each panel uses the same vertical scale. August is a partial and understated month for everyone: committees have up to 30 days to file, so the last few weeks always look thinner than they were.

Arnold entered in November 2025 with the biggest single month any of them has posted outside of Green's July, and has raised steadily since. Green's $15,306 in July is the largest month in the race. Zimmerman's spring was his best stretch, and then he went quiet in July, the month before filing closes and the fall campaign begins.

Spending tells a different story from raising. Green has spent $71,613, more than twice anyone else in the field, and 44 percent of everything he has taken in. Clark has spent $17,925 and Zimmerman $8,015, holding roughly nine tenths and seven eighths of their money respectively. Whether that reads as discipline or as a slow start depends on what happens over the next two weeks: filing closes for incumbents on 18 August and for everyone else on 25 August.

Zimmerman took $4,363 from labor committees, about double Green's $2,125

Harris finds that the transfers which pushed Zimmerman past Arnold came from progressive voters rather than fellow moderates, roughly 2,600 of them against Arnold's 1,600, even though the two men drew on the same larger bloc. The money crosses the same way, and it is easier to measure.

Zimmerman is the largest recipient of organized labor money in the field, at $4,363. SMART Local 16, IBEW Local 48, Plumbers and Steamfitters, Portland Metro Fire Fighters, the Iron Workers district council, LIUNA Local 737, and the Northwest Oregon Labor Council have all given to the councilor most often described as a moderate. Green, who ran as a democratic socialist, has taken $2,125 from committees, chiefly the Portland Association of Teachers. Clark sits between them at $2,250, though hers is the least union-weighted of the three: $1,250 of it is labor money and the rest came from Betsy PAC and Kitzhaber for Governor.

Several of these organizations gave to more than one candidate. IBEW Local 48 and the Iron Workers each gave to Clark, Green, and Zimmerman. Jubitz Corporation gave to Clark and Zimmerman. One individual, Aidan Willis, gave $875 to Clark, Zimmerman, and Arnold on the same day, 26 November 2025. That $875 is above the city's published limit of $613, which note 4 takes up.

Arnold accepted no organizational money at all. His $58,634 is individuals and small aggregated contributions, which is also why he sits on the largest unclaimed match balance in the district.

The full ledger
Every District 4 committee registered with the state, 2026 cycle
Cash contributions and disbursements, 1 January 2025 to 12 August 2026. Spent combines cash expenditures, personal expenditures for reimbursement and accounts payable; in-kind is excluded.
CandidateTotal receivedPublic match PrivateSpentShare spent
Olivia Clark$168,662$100,000$68,662$17,92511%
Mitch Green$161,748$100,000$61,748$71,61344%
Eli Arnold$158,634$100,000$58,634$28,68618%
Eric Zimmerman$107,244$67,980$39,264$8,0157%
Jeremy Beausoleil Smith$66,103$54,290$11,813$33,57151%
Jamey Evenstar$64,907$47,460$17,447$8,86414%
Jayne Cronlund$11,377none$11,377$4,01535%
John Goldsmith$600none$600$606101%
Timothy Andersonno transactions recorded
Joshua Leakeno transactions recorded
The city's register of 2026 candidates lists nine District 4 filings and marks eight of them qualified for the ballot, the same eight Harris counts; Rebekah Morgan did not meet the eligibility requirements. That list and this one differ in both directions. Timothy Anderson is qualified and has recorded no transactions. John Goldsmith and Joshua Leake each registered a District 4 committee with the state, on 2 March 2026 and 11 August 2026, and neither appears in the city's register. Filing a committee and qualifying for the ballot are different tests, and non-incumbent filing does not close until 25 August.
Donor records
Named donors are a floor, not a count
Contribution records, same window. Excludes political committees and the city match.
CandidateNamed donors Named giftsAggregated small-gift rows Mean named gift
Olivia Clark122132236$275
Mitch Green102169263$176
Eli Arnold93111202$248
Eric Zimmerman7582111$277
Jamey Evenstar304562$210
Jayne Cronlund111421$316
Jeremy Beausoleil Smith811150$105
ORESTAR names 122 of Clark's donors. The city counted 666 in June, by way of Willamette Week. The gap is the aggregation rule in note 1, and it is why no donor count on this page is derived from filings. These counts also drift upward as late filings arrive, so they are a floor at the retrieval date and nothing more.

A note on the numbers

  1. Contributions of $100 and under are reported in aggregate. A committee files them as periodic lump sums, which appear in ORESTAR under the literal payee name "Miscellaneous Cash Contributions $100 and under," rather than as named gifts. The dollar totals here are sound, while unique donor counts below that line cannot be recovered from filings at all. Clark shows the size of that gap: ORESTAR names 107 Portland-based donors who gave her $5 or more, and the city counted 666 qualifying donors in June. The rest sits in 236 aggregate rows worth $30,411 that carry no donor identity. Every donor count in this piece comes from the city's own program reporting, by way of Willamette Week, and never from our arithmetic. The code counts a matchable donor as an individual 18 or older who lives in Portland, with residency verified by the program. The filings cannot reproduce that test either.
  2. August is incomplete and will grow. Committees have up to 30 days to file most transactions. Arnold and Zimmerman show no August contributions, which is almost certainly the filing window rather than a dry spell. The same lag applies to every committee in the table.
  3. Cash on hand here is a derivation, not a balance. Share spent is expenditures over receipts. Authoritative closing balances live in ORESTAR account summaries, which this pipeline does not yet ingest, so treat the spending column as a rate rather than a bank statement.
  4. The observed contribution ceiling does not match the city's published limit. Twelve contributions in this field landed on exactly $875, nine of them from individuals and three from political committees, between 16 November 2025 and 18 July 2026. One donor's cycle total to a single committee reaches $1,225. Portland's published limit is $613 from an individual or a political committee other than a small donor committee, inflation-adjusted each odd-numbered January from the $500 base voters set in the 2018 charter amendment, and those limits have been enforceable since a 2020 circuit court ruling. Candidates in Small Donor Elections are separately barred from accepting more than $350 from one individual per cycle. Oregon's statewide limits do not take effect until 1 January 2027, so state law does not account for the figure either. The charter does exempt qualified small donor committees from the limit, and one of the three committee gifts came from a PAC whose name identifies it as one. No refund in this window nets any of the twelve down, and committees in this field clearly do trim when they mean to: Clark and Green each returned $150 to the same union PAC, cutting a $500 gift to exactly the $350 program ceiling. We report what the filings show and flag the gap rather than assert a legal figure or allege a violation; the Auditor's office is the right authority on which limit applies.
  5. Amended filings are almost fully deduplicated. Of 2,514 transactions filed by District 4 committees in this window, 18 carry the status "Amended" and point back to the record they replace. ORESTAR's export has already dropped the superseded original in every case but one, a $19.20 expenditure by the Smith committee, so the double-counting exposure across the whole table is nineteen dollars.
  6. Committees are scoped by their 2026 registration, not by any office they once sought. ORESTAR records a committee once per cycle sweep, and a committee's office can change between sweeps because campaigns reuse a registration for the next race. Twenty-eight committees have carried the Portland District 4 label at some point. Ten carry it in the 2026 sweep, and those ten are the table above. The reuse runs in both directions. Ciatta Thompson's committee ran in District 4 in 2024, re-registered on 9 October 2025 for the 33rd state house district, and raised $10,034 in this window, none of it for a city race. Joshua Leake's committee went the other way: organized in August 2024 for the mayoral race, re-registered for District 4 on 11 August 2026, with no transactions recorded either time. Six further 2024 District 4 committees are still winding down and filed small amounts, the largest $560. A query written on office name alone folds all of that into a 2026 ledger.

Sources

The companion piece

  • Maja Viklands Harris, "How District 4 was won," Rose City Reform, 11 August 2026, with research contributed by Malen Cuturic. Every 2024 vote figure on this page is hers, and her round-by-round account draws on Multnomah County's cast vote record.

Small Donor Elections rules

  • Small Donor Elections, program home, City of Portland.
  • How to run under Small Donor Elections: the ten-to-one match, the $5 to $350 matchable range, and the 250, 750 and 1,250 donor tiers.
  • City Code 2.16.010: definitions, including a matchable donor as an individual 18 or older residing in Portland.
  • City Code 2.16.050: the 250-matchable-donor certification threshold for council candidates.
  • City Code 2.16.070: $100,000 at 250 donors, then an additional $100,000 for each further 500 new donors, to a $300,000 maximum. The cumulative 750 and 1,250 figures are the city's plain-language restatement, not the code's wording.
  • City Code 2.16.120: conditions on participating candidates, including the $350 per-individual cycle limit.
  • Program notices: the 65 percent cap reduction of March 2025, the partial restoration of August 2025, the full restoration of 24 June 2026, and the warning about 2028.

Contribution limits

Reporting

Primary data